By Howard Hills
Puerto Rico is the last statehood-eligible Article IV territory. What does that mean? Article IV refers to the Property Clause of the U.S. Constitution:
“The Congress shall have Power to dispose of and make all needful Rules and Regulations respecting the Territory or other Property belonging to the United States; and nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as to Prejudice any Claims of the United States, or of any particular State.”
32 territories have already become states under Article IV. Puerto Rico is the last eligible territory. That means that there is no second territory to be admitted as a partner for Puerto Rico.
Puerto Rico Political Facts –
- Last territory under Article IV, Section 3, Clause 2 eligible by historical precedent and seeking admission as a state under Art. VI, Sec. 3, Clause 1
- Within borders of American homeland for 126 years
- More U.S. citizens than 18 states , including Arkansas, New Mexico, ands Kansas
- Territory equal to Connecticut, larger than Delaware and Rhode Island
- Greater attained economic development than most territories admitted as states
The last pair of states was Alaska and Hawaii
Before the American Civil War the pattern of political accommodation enabling permanent union for territories on equal footing with states typically included admission of a slave state in tandem with a free state.
After the Civil War, the pairing for admission of territories in tandem was based on preserving the balance of political party power in Congress.
The last admission of territories in tandem was Republican Party controlled Hawaii and Democrat controlled Alaska, but upon admission as states Hawaii became Democrat and Alaska became Republican.
Now, in 2026, Puerto Rico is the only Article IV territory that has a record of self-determination favoring statehood, not only confirmed by certified ballot results but with greater majority vote than several territories previously admitted to the union.
Indeed, the record in Puerto Rico of plebiscite popular votes, as well as petitions by elected territorial government representation in Puerto Rico, is far more compelling than indicia of democratic consent of the governed is several territories admitted as states, including Colorado and Nebraska.
There is no other current Article IV territory large, populous or prosperous enough to be admitted in tandem with Puerto Rico.
Among the smaller unincorporated Article IV territories, American Samoa does not seek political status change, while Guam, Northern Marianas and US Virgin Islands proclaim agendas of political status grievance without petitioning for statehood. None of these four small territories has voted to change current status, or reform federal organic statues enabling local self-government.
Puerto Rico alone can make a contribution as a center of U.S. national interests at the southeastern most border of the homeland, favorably comparable and competitive with Hawaii’s historical, political, economic and strategic contribution of the success of America.
Puerto Rico’s stepping stones on the pathway to statehood
Historical precedents, current realities and hope for future success confirm the existential necessity and moral imperative for Congress to redeem its responsibility for restorative self-determination mechanisms in Puerto Rico.
A merit-based 10-step statehood transition strategy includes these stepping stones:
1. For most if not all of the 32 territories that became states, political status resolution was obstructed for a period of time by national partisan political battles.
2. In virtually every case of territorial succession to statehood, a condition of arrested democratization came about but was overcome, lasting for less than 2 years for California, 92 years for Alaska, and, so far, 126 years for Puerto Rico.
3. Puerto Rico’s arrested development as a democratically governed political economy at the national level is due to issues different from but with equivalence to those that delayed Hawaii and Alaska admission.
4. The tradition of the Northwest Ordinance as a founding document of the Republic provides the only proven mechanism for a viable status outcome, based on democratic self-determination for a non-state territory inhabited by U.S. citizens.
5. As with 32 territories with less developed political economies than Puerto Rico’s, the potential for success as a state and majority support for joining the union on equal footing has been demonstrated in Puerto Rico democratically in multiple referendums and petitions by elected representatives.
6. Measured by U.S. citizen population, geography, GNP, contributions to national success and security, infrastructure and public education, Puerto Rico is more statehood ready than most if not all of the 32 territories that became states, including more American citizens, currently 3.2 million, than 18 current states including Arkansas, New Mexico, and Kansas.
7. Pronouncement of a U.S. policy establishing permanent union and statehood as the future status of Puerto Rico will jump start public and private sector transition.
8. That will include a market driven wave of private investment in Puerto Rico’s private sector far sooner and greater than numerous less developed new states in the past.
9. Once established as policy, success of statehood will be facilitated by the current local constitutional civic order compatible with the supremacy of the federal Constitution, as well as already advanced participation and readiness for full integration into the statehood model of political economy, enabling full realization of potential for economic and social success as a state not possible as a territory.
10. Admission as a state and integration with national economy has immediately generated transition to higher standard of living for 32 territories, and Puerto Rico is poised for rapid economic growth starting when there is confidence the new state will become the center of American national interest at the southeastern most border of our nation.
Howard Hills served as a legal advisor on territorial status affairs during the Carter, Reagan, Bush (41), Trump (45) and Biden administrations, including Lead Counsel and Senior Advisor posts in the Executive Office of the President, National Security Council and U.S. Department of State.
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